Can Kejriwal and Modi coexist

Michael Brie / Judith Dellheim (eds.) Free of charge. Luxury of the public in transport: contradicting progress of an idea in public transport V VS VSA:


1 Michael Brie / Judith Dellheim (eds.) Zero tariff luxury of public transport in transport: contradicting progress of an idea in public transport V VS VSA:

2 Michael Brie / Judith Dellheim (Eds.) Free of charge


4 Michael Brie / Judith Dellheim (eds.) Zero tariff Luxury of the public in transport: contradicting progress of an idea in public transport Translations by Michael Brie and Judith Dellheim A publication of the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung VSA: Verlag Hamburg

5 This book is published under the terms of a Creative Commons License: Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Germany License (available at According to this license, you may copy, distribute and make publicly available the texts for non-commercial purposes on the condition that the names the author and the book title including the publisher are named, the content is not edited, modified or changed in any other way and you pass it on with a complete copy of this license notice. All other forms of use that are not permitted by this Creative Commons license or copyright, VSA: Verlag 2020, St. Georgs Kirchhof 6, Hamburg Printing and bookbinding: Beltz Grafische Betriebe GmbH, Bad Langensalza Cover photo: 2002 philiph / photocase ISBN

6 Contents Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie Introduction ... 7 Judith Dellheim Capital oligarchies and the auto company Maurizio Tira / Michelle DeRobertis Learn from Bologna Judith Dellheim Experiences from »autoland« germany Michael Brie The rise and fall of free public transport in Hasselt () How Tallinn came up with the idea of ​​zero tariff Interview with Allan Alaküla Georgios Daremas Greece: Cars or local public transport? Anna Nygård Sweden: Overcoming barriers with Wojciech Kębłowski Let's not call it free, but free What is special about free public transport in France? Łukasz Ługowski Poland an unexpected pioneer of the zero-tariff movement Daniel Santini Brazil: From dream of 2013 to nightmare of uberization

7 Herman Rosenfeld Movement for zero tariff in Toronto, Canada Rosalie Ray USA: Searching for justice in mobility from Seattle to New York Wojciech Kębłowski Free travel in a Chinese metropolis Appendix Judith Dellheim “Zero tariff by decree” vs. Michael Brie transformation project Private electric cars or free local public transport? Real dystopias vs. concrete utopia literary authors

8 Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie Introduction In times of revolution you can travel by bus and train for free. At least that was the case after the February Revolution in Russia. The revolutionary soldiers and sailors took advantage of the privilege of free use of transport (Cliff 2004: 190). When the Provisional Government wanted to restrict this privilege, it was one of the reasons for an uprising. How else could they have carried out their revolutionary tasks, except through free use of the means of transport ?! In many countries of the world, including member states of the European Union such as Germany, this still applies to the representatives of the people, the members of the European Parliament or the German Bundestag. Free travel on Deutsche Bahn's public transport, first class, has also been allowed for private purposes for a number of years. As is always the case with privileges for the few: they should be abolished by being generalized as freedoms of the common people. The revolts in Montreal in 1975 (Prince 2018) and, above all, in Brazil in 2013, in France in 2018 and in Chile in 2019 were by no means accidentally triggered by the increase in fare or petrol prices. People saw that freedom of movement became the luxury of the few. When we present a publication in 2020 on practical experience with practices, experiments and initiatives for a free public transport or public transport with free tariff, then we are primarily concerned with the discussion on the following three questions: n To what extent and under what conditions can Does the left-wing demand for public transport free of charge help to solve social, ecological and global problems fairly and sustainably in a democratic and solidarity manner? n Can the demand for free public transport promote work on a middle-bottom alliance that combats social hardship, violence against people and ecological destruction at the same time? n What can be learned from practical experience if the aforementioned questions are answered positively?

9 8 Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie Some history is always helpful The movement for free public transport as a right for everyone and at any time, not just during the revolution, began in the 1970s. A heightened ecological awareness, high oil prices, the social movements against the background of the crisis of post-war capitalism, the noticeable distance of a new generation from the ideology of having sparked the first experiments. Bologna was the first big city in Italy to serve from 1973 to 1974. The spark was choked. A second, still small, attempt began in the 1990s. Hasselt in Belgium is the most prominent example from 1997 to But even in East Germany, in Templin and Lübben, there was temporarily free public transport. After the great financial and economic crisis of 2008, a third phase has begun. There are over two hundred cities worldwide that are experimenting with free public transport in one form or another. Hundreds of them practice free public transport for all public transport during their entire operating time. With Luxembourg, a whole country introduced it on March 1, 2020. Before that, Tallinn was the first European capital to make free public transport possible for its citizens. Since the summer of 2018, buses have been running for free in 15 of Estonia's 18 districts and almost the entire population of the country can use the free tariff. In Poland, more and more cities are introducing free public transport. France has a long tradition in this regard. Aubagne became a symbol. Dunkirk joined in September 2018. In Germany, in Bremen, it is being calculated and discussed how a free tariff for the state could be financed and introduced (Frommeyer 2020). Why has mobility come to the fore in today's social, ecological and democratic struggles? It is often forgotten that mobility is just as much a basic need as that for education, health care, care, work, security, community, culture or sport. Access to the most important areas of a meaningful good life is linked to mobility. For many millennia, people lived primarily in village communities. The fields were within two, at most three kilometers. Even the cities could be walked through. The interior of the great cities of antiquity such as Rome, Persepolis or Chang an had a diameter of no more than five kilometers. All you need to do is go and open the doors. Even during the early industrialization, factories and the settlements of workers, employees and entrepreneurs formed a socially and culturally divided agglomerate that could be reached quickly on foot, as Engels describes for Manchester in the 1840s (Engels 1845:).

10 Introduction 9 It was not until the 1860s that a revolution in inner-city traffic gradually began. A forerunner was the horse-drawn omnibus that had spread in Paris and other cities since the 1820s. If the carriages were for the rich, the omnibuses (from Latin: "For everyone") should also be available to the less well-off. But only the inner-city railways (S-Bahn, in Berlin from 1882), trams (from 1881), underground trains (from 1863 in London, from 1890 electric) gradually created a system of local public transport for the modern cities that are united were able to develop in the first place with these means of transport (Dienel / Schmucki 1997: 9-16). The first car was made in 1769 on behalf of the French military. His successors were initially only intended as a substitute for a coach for the rich and were designed in exactly the same way. Benz, Daimler and Opel got in here at the turn of the century. The situation changed with Ford's assembly line production and its T1 model from. Around that time, trucks were also being built in Germany, over 800 trucks were already rolling on Germany's streets and in 1914 almost into the German war of conquest. After its defeat, Ford found imitators in Germany: In 1924 the first tree frog rolled off the assembly line at the Rüsselsheim Opel plant, then General Motors initially bought 80% of the plant, and the remaining 20% ​​by 1931. There was no scruple about managing the plant in fascist Germany until 1941 and remaining the owner even after Germany's defeat in the war, which was much too late. It is also interesting that until the first years of the war, cars were still being produced in Germany as a source of foreign currency. But it was not until after the Second World War that the private car became an inner-city mode of transport in the USA, Western Europe, and Japan, which competed directly with local public transport and pushed it to the sidelines, or even almost, driven by the car and oil companies and the representatives of consumer capitalism completely repressed. The symbiosis of capitalism, imperialism, extractivism, consumerism and patriarchy found its apotheosis in the car. Maximum profit, maximum global exploitation, maximum resource expenditure, maximum private consumption and maximum throttle-assisted potentiation of masculine imagined power and violence merged. But the price for it got higher and higher. That is why it is one of the central questions of the present to find an exit from the auto-centered society and to initiate a conversion of the auto industry (initiative of the Attac campaign group "simply.wangen" 2020). This is part of a comprehensive socio-ecological restructuring of society, the urgency of which has become clear in the current crisis (Institute for Society Analysis & Friends 2020).

11 10 Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie About the present discussion offer When the editor of this book organized the first international workshop of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation (RLS) on the subject of free public transport (Dellheim 2011) at the beginning of July 2011, several participants had already shared experiences: in campaigns with the motto »Berlin drives free«, at events at three social forums and some action conferences (Dellheim 2010) in Germany and at activities at two European social forums. In particular, there were joint activities with members of the Swedish network, whose activists operate the most important international website on the subject: also set up the Free Public Transport Facebook page. This page is constantly "fed" together and serves as the most up-to-date source of information for many free-of-charge initiatives around the world. It is linked, among other things, to the Facebook page Frei drive. Since then, a lot has happened in terms of free public transport. This applies to the (re) establishment of initiatives in Germany, their networking and the gradual appropriation of the topic by the DIE LINKE party, the pirate party, through divisions and associations within the SPD and the Greens. Even the federal government took action, and now Germany is again experimenting with the zero tariff. Much faster than the number of practiced zero tariffs has grown the number of those collective actors who are committed to public transport with zero tariff worldwide and who combine this with their advocacy of the "city for all" and society for all. The support activities of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation have increased, also and especially thanks to the RLS foreign offices in New York and especially in São Paulo. Daniel Santini excelled as an organizer and author (Santini 2019). His record includes, among other things, a highly regarded seminar at the World Social Forum 2018 in Salvador and an international meeting with Brazilian activists in the fall.Some authors of this book were actively involved in it. The website of the office (has made the zero tariff a focus. The fact that the debate in Europe and the European Union has become broader, more intense and louder since 2013 has, on the one hand, to do with the growing social and ecological problems, with the search for increasingly more and different actors looking for alternatives to bad air, mobility poverty and social exclusion, to traffic jams, fully parked streets and squares, to noise and stress Free of charge with simultaneous expansion of the public transport function-

12 Introduction 11. Tallinn's city administration has promoted public culture and international exchange on urban, transport and mobility policy with its course towards more participation in city policy decisions and more emphasis on the social and ecological. Our long-time partner and author Allan Alaküla, who was also present at the aforementioned seminar in Brazil in 2019, brought stakeholders together for free public transport and initiated several international conferences on the topic. In this way, he helped to organize experience, knowledge and, in the meantime, stable working relationships. From some of the activities mentioned here, Canadian partners in particular came up with the idea of ​​publishing a book on arguments and, in particular, on experiences from the practical commitment to the free tariff in public transport. Jason Prince in particular played a major role in this. It is thanks to him, Black Rose Books and the supporting Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung that in 2017 in Montreal »Free Public Transport. And Why We Don't Pay for To Ride Elevators «appeared (in German:» Free public transport! Why we don't pay for the use of elevators «). In the following year, again with the support of the RLS, a revised and expanded edition was published in the USA. In consideration of the American English, "transport" was replaced by "transit". The broad and very positive reception of these two publications has far exceeded all our expectations. "Why We Don't Pay for To Ride Elevators" is a formulation by Michel van Hulten, a retired Dutch politician and transport expert who is not only a senior executive in the Was his country's transport ministry, but has been committed to free public transport for decades. This should be introduced gradually and initially for the socially needy and senior citizens. The title of our English-language publications focuses on an upcoming paradigm shift that could be carried out at zero cost. It is about the »shift from a system in which you pay because you use the service to a system in which you pay because the service is available to you. We are already doing this ... Just think of the elevator or escalator: the investment costs ... of vertical transport have been included in the initial financing of the buildings in which they are located and are included in the functional costs that come with the rents and fees ... are compensated. «(van Hulten 2019) This raises the question of the financing of public transport. If the contribution is levied proportionally to the income and wealth of the citizens above a certain poverty-proof level, the zero tariff in local public transport would be "a leveler" (ibid.), Which also strengthens the local economy. Hulten wants the public transport

13 12 Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie ning in the context of common goods and associating it with energy sovereignty in the international division of labor and in relation to the lobbyists of the fossil energy industry. The articles in the two books mentioned also essentially form the chapters of this publication. Some authors have updated their texts, in some cases we as editors have done it sparingly. It became clear to us what had happened in less than two years. The selection of the book texts was based on the interests of the Black Rose Books publishing house and the time capacity of the inquiries. Therefore, not all interesting examples of initiatives for a zero tariff and its application in practice have been included in this publication. Brief update and an interim conclusion In this introduction we will briefly discuss a few more examples. Unfortunately, the activists of »Free Travel for the 99%«, a very active group that belongs to a kind of Belgrade social forum, had no writing capacity. The forum emerged from the Occupy movement in Serbia's capital. The movement was again initiated by the group around Petar Stanic, which is also active in "free travel for the 99%". The forum is about an open, largely car-free Belgrade for everyone and therefore about common goods in which everyone can participate equally, including and especially the marginalized Roma population.At present, "free travel for the 99%" is working primarily against the privatization of local public transport and the repressive ticket controls. They particularly affect the poor and the Roma population. The initiative has qualified its control warning system and passed it on to partner groups in other successor states of Yugoslavia free of charge. This also includes active people in Slovenia, where, to our knowledge, there are four "zero tariff cases". However, these are small municipalities that do not pursue any further alternative concepts. Among the Slovenian sympathizers of »Free Ride for the 99%« are members of a cyclist association that still sees itself as Yugoslavian, which advocates cycling-friendly cities and roads and rejects any nationalism. A special example of the zero tariff is the Swedish Avesta with its residents. In 2015, an international conference for free in urban public transport took place in Avesta. Before the 2010 elections, the social democratic and green parties had promised to introduce a free tariff for children and young people if they won the election. The local Left Party went further: They wanted free public transport for everyone.

14 Introduction 13 After the election, the three parties formed a coalition under the Social Democratic Mayor Lars Isacson. Due to the school bus system, the city administration already had a special contract with the bus companies. Because of the social structure of Avesta, around a quarter of the children were entitled to a free bus ride to and from school. It was decided to transfer the already contractually bound school buses to general public transport and to offer a free tariff for all citizens. In return, the road system should not be expanded. From July 2012 a two-year probationary period was in effect. It turned out that the buses that drove to neighboring municipalities without a free tariff could not offer the free tariff. Therefore, additional buses were used, which at special times only drove to the city limits and that for free. It was not very effective and had an added cost. Nevertheless, after just one year, car traffic had fallen by 4%. There were 4% more buses, the utilization of which had increased significantly. However, there was more walking than before the introduction of the zero tariff. The climate-damaging emissions in traffic initially fell by 40 tons of carbon dioxide annually. The additional household burdens of SEK 2.7 million annually are significantly lower than those that would have caused the road construction, the rescue, treatment and care of the (especially nocturnal adolescent) accident victims. The road expansion would have sealed off the area, would have entailed additional ecological burdens and would have resulted in more traffic. The zero tariff can also be seen as a social policy measure. In particular, he made more social contacts and shared experiences accessible to children, young people and the elderly. The older ones became much more socially active again. In just three years, Avesta's population has grown by over 500 people, which makes the city treasurers happy. The neighboring communities of Sala (residents) and Fagersta (11,900) have followed Avesta's example, which makes bus transport more rational. Mention should also be made of the Czech town of Frýdek-Místek, which has approx. Inhabitants. Here the city administration was confronted with two problems: Due to the lack of a bypass road, motorized individual and goods traffic, especially to and from the industrial park, is very high in the city center. There were frequent traffic jams. Citizens' quality of life has been severely affected due to the poor air, noise and difficulty of walking through the city. A reduction in traffic was strongly advised, but the local public transport was underutilized. The gradual introduction of the zero tariff according to city zones resulted in a rapid increase in the use of public transport as early as 2011. In addition, it sparked the interest of the neighboring communities in creating a zero-tariff zone together with Frýdek-Místek. With this the car traffic decreased. That he is

15 14 Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie as a whole does not sink quickly and intensely enough, has to do with the fact that there is a lot of catching up to do with the redesign of the transport infrastructure. The three municipalities cannot raise the necessary funds on their own (Štraub 2019). Such problems are easier to solve in Luxembourg. There, the cost of the zero tariff in all 2nd class public transport is estimated at 500 million euros annually. Since the zero tariff went into effect on March 1, 2020, the train's load factor has increased by over 7%, and the recently expanded public transport reported a 30% increase in passenger numbers. However, the management of the tram said that the free tariff should only have started after the long-planned construction work was completed. First class passengers must still buy tickets from the machine. You can then make use of other services with your »m-card«. Park & ​​Ride / train users can park free of charge at the train or bus station and / or get on a rental bike (Goerens 2020). If Luxembourg succeeds in drastically reducing traffic jams with its innovation, lowering air pollution and road noise, there will hopefully be many and also great successors. This does not only apply to the European Union. The free tariff is also an issue in Tel Aviv. Initially, it is to be introduced for the Sabbath and its gradual expansion is being discussed (No-Camels Team 2019). The zero tariff already applies to women in all public transport in Delhi, India. The mayor wants to protest against discrimination against women, pay tribute to their devalued and often invisible work and offer them protection from violence (Kejriwal 2019). Free-of-charge initiatives in Great Britain are also interesting. If, in our opinion, the Scottish Socialist Party was the first party in Europe to campaign for free public transport, the Scottish Greens have now accepted this demand. You went with her into the most recent European election campaign and spoke out in favor of introducing it across the EU (McCall 2019). Your initiative is supported by the British "greens". In the context of their Green New Deal, they are demanding that instead of expanding the road network, buses should run free of charge. In the UK, public transport tariffs have risen by 65% ​​over the past decade, but residents die every year from bad air (Phoebe 2019). In Coventry there is a petition based on the motto »Instead of congestion charges, free public transport« (Nobes 2019). It is not only the elderly and old who are interested in the Irish free public transport program for people over 66 years of age. The program was conceived as a social and activation program and has been confirmed as such. However, regardless of its success, it is also attacked and a means test is required (O Connell / O Con-

16 Introduction 15 nor 2019). Large sections of the population respond to this unreasonable demand for "Luxembourgish conditions" in Ireland (Duffy 2020). In Australia, too, Green candidates for the national parliament were campaigning for a zero tariff in local public transport and in all public transport. They usually want to introduce it to children and students first and advertise the $ 1 ticket for "normal" passengers (Queensland Greens 2017). In Melbourne, the zero tariff for the tram is being tested (City of Melbourne 2020). All of this shows that the zero tariff in local public transport is a hot topic around the world. It is about measures against bad air, traffic jams, street noise, fully parked inner cities that are losing or have already lost their attractiveness. But it is also about measures against accidents, against mobility poverty and social exclusion. It is about the concrete socio-political promotion of the poor, children and young people, students, job seekers, the elderly and the elderly. Then it's about the city for everyone, about complex urban strategies for a social policy that combats social divisions or hierarchies and the destruction of natural living conditions. Zero tariff is therefore not the same as zero tariff and it does not have to be on the left. After all, a right-wing city administration in Riga introduced it for "their" citizens. Racism and xenophobia cannot be ruled out when the Frei-Fahrt-Cards are issued and during controls. A zero tariff in city centers with shopping streets for the rich, where begging is prohibited, may be attractive to various social groups, but it promotes social exclusion. A zero tariff as a social policy measure can also be used paternalistically and / or repressively. So it does not have to aim for a better ecological and social climate in the city. The zero tariff, conceived from the left or from a socialist point of view, initially aims to activate people to work together to push back poverty and social exclusion, to improve the climate in the city, to win (back) urban space for the citizens. At the same time, it is part of a policy of actors who, based on the redesign of the city, want to make a contribution to a profound socio-ecological transformation that will reshape society. Their long-term goal is the society of the free and equal, who act in solidarity and ecologically. The actors of this policy therefore strive to demonstrate their concerns in the concrete here and now, on the one hand by planning, controlling and evaluating the urban design and the concrete traffic as participatory as possible. In doing so, and beyond, they also communicate their goals, mission statements and basic positions; strive to live it and to enforce it as far as possible; to point out the limits to such action, its causes and perpetrators; To form alliances to overcome them.

17 16 Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie ÖPNV like public Our book title focuses on the public and thus on socio-political debate, because the understanding of the public and thus what should be public is contested. With the philosopher Richard Sennett, we can understand public spaces as places where one can meet, get to know, argue, change one another and oneself (Sennett 1998: 92ff.). For this reason alone, we should work to ensure that public spaces are preserved, expanded, designed democratically and protected from commercialization and privatization. Public spaces are commons or Commons. They end at the limits where the private begins. The mainstream defines public urban spaces as the public buildings, the open spaces and parks, the public street space. They are considered to be accessible to the general public. This also raises the question of how "generality" should be understood. Is this everyone who lives here, only those with a German identity card and a permanent address? Practice shows that "accessible" does not have to mean "freely accessible", because public spaces can also be commercialized. In addition, entering public spaces can be dangerous for specific groups of people if, for example, it is about children on busy streets or about black women and parks where neo-Nazis fight for control. So there is always the question of the protection of individual physical and mental integrity in public space. Public spaces can also be guarded and monitored and specific people such as the homeless and beggars are often denied access. The "general public" thus consists of individuals with very different social positions in terms of their social, ethnic and cultural origin, their function in the social work and reproductive process, their gender, their physical and mental constitution, their age, their ideological and political positions . They should all meet in public spaces, be able to exchange ideas and make appointments. In our opinion, public transport is also part of public space. This would also provide a different basis for the discussion about the functions of public transport and the tariffs that apply to it. This discussion quickly spreads to other questions, about the rights of citizens and their associations, the collection and use of taxpayers' money, public services, education, medical care, safety and, in particular, the social security of individuals, urban design , traffic, care, leisure, »the economy«. Actors with specific interests depending on their social, family and political contexts take part in the debate.

18 Introduction 17 and their position in social hierarchies; they argue according to their values ​​and ideologies as well as their favored scientific schools. Ultimately, it is about answering the question of how, by whom and in whose interest which decisions about the establishment and handling of public spaces are made and what individual, collective, social, ecological, global consequences this has. In a critical likeness to Sennett, we focus on the one hand on the road and motorway network and its use. In its overall effect, this network is a destructive commons. On the other hand, we focus on public transport as a potentially constructive common good. We see the challenge in the development of democratic social counter-forces to the profit-dominated production and realization of motor vehicles. The most powerful capital owners and capital elites interested in this production and realization have long succeeded in entering into an (apparent?) Alliance with the majority of the population in Germany. With their striving to maximize profits, they are promoting a social mode of production and living that is intended to maintain and further strengthen the existing social and global hierarchies. We will go into this in more detail in the next section in order to then discuss the extent to which public transport with zero tariff can help to dissolve this alliance. The fact that our examples in the discussion on the commons concentrate on Berlin is primarily due to the available data. At the beginning of the year, 221 million cars were registered in Berlin, compared to 1.105 million in 2010 (Statista 2020). The number of registered cars has grown from year to year. There was only a slight decrease from 2008 to 2009, which is more likely due to a modification of the database. If the vehicles registered in Berlin were parked one behind the other, this would result in a distance of around kilometers. Where there is a car there could be ten bicycles (Difu 2018: 4). Nevertheless, Berlin is not very representative for Germany because a household in the Federal Republic has an average of one or two cars, but in Berlin "only" every second household has a car. and traffic area ha. The traffic area makes up ha. Of this, hectares are on roads, squares and paths and hectares are on railway and airfield grounds (Land Berlin 2020). Approx. 70% of the traffic area is sealed. So it is built on, concreted, paved with asphalt, paved or otherwise paved. It is covered airtight and watertight. Rainwater cannot seep away or only under very difficult conditions, which has a negative impact on the groundwater balance. The gas exchange between the soil and the atmosphere is disturbed, which restricts the cooling function, especially at high air temperatures.

19 18 Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie In Germany, soil sealing has advanced dramatically through road construction, the construction of homes and commercial buildings "on the greenfield". As a result, the number of cars and road and motorway traffic are growing. In all motor vehicle sectors in Germany, stocks have increased since 2008: for cars by 15%, for trucks by 38.5% and for other vehicles by around 16%. Without mopeds, this is an increase of 12.3% between 2008 and At the beginning of 2020, 65.8 million vehicles were registered, of which 47.4 million were cars (2015: 44.2 million). Approx. 15.1 million or approx. 32% of the cars are equipped with a diesel engine, compared to 12% (Kraftfahrt-Bundesamt 2020). The growing number of vehicles causes the demand for road and motorway (expansion) construction. Between 1991 and 2006, the length of the regional roads increased by around kilometers. The network of federal motorways has been growing steadily for a long time. The increase in road and motorway area due to their widening is in practice higher than the growth in their overall length. In 2011, the additional land consumption for settlements and traffic totaled 74 hectares per day. That was a decrease of 43% compared to the year 2000. According to the federal government, land consumption should decrease to 30 ha per day by 2020 and less than 30 ha per day by 2030 (Federal Environment Agency 2019). So the ground may continue to be sealed. As already noted, this makes important soil functions impossible or only has a very limited effect. Soil fertility deteriorates, but the risk of flooding is increased.The exhaust fumes acidify soils and waters and cause plants to wither and age prematurely. This promotes the loss of biodiversity, which in turn leads to climate degradation. This is particularly driven by traffic. The carbon dioxide and nitrogen emissions it produces cause 25% to 30% of environmental damage. The largest nitrogen oxide emitters within the automotive sector are diesel cars with 67%, followed by trucks, buses, petrol cars and mopeds (BUND 2020b). In spite of all the technical and technological improvements, the absolute carbon dioxide emissions in road freight transport are today around 22% higher than in 1995 (Federal Environment Agency 2020a). This is largely due to the increased transport of goods by truck, because the track network for trains has shrunk by 14% from km to km between 1991 and 2010. The network of Deutsche Bahn AG was still km in 2010 and shrunk to km by 2019 (Federal Environment Agency 2020b). According to the European Environment Agency, nitrogen dioxide emissions are responsible for around fatalities each year in Germany alone. The pollution from nitrogen oxide exhaust gases is greatest at the level of the exhaust, so that small children and infants in prams are even more exposed to the exhaust gases than adults (BUND 2020a). This is violence

20 Introduction 19 against children, especially against poor children, whose parents can often only afford the rent for an apartment in a particularly polluted area. The parents often have a migrant background disproportionately to their share of the urban population and / or are single parents. The hierarchies prevail. Scientific studies have shown that the rapid spread of the COVID-19 virus in the Po Valley is due to the air that is heavily polluted by car traffic (Rötzer 2020). They have also proven that the reduction in biodiversity caused by air pollution shrinks the protective space between viruses from wild animals and humans, which favors pandemics (Settele / Spangenberg 2020). In Berlin, where the air quality has improved over the past three decades, excessively high limit values ​​for nitrogen dioxide and fine dust are still exceeded in places on the main road network. The transport sector has a share of 32% in the city's final energy consumption and 31% in carbon dioxide emissions (Office for Statistics Berlin-Brandburg 2019: 14, 19). However, rail traffic only accounts for 2.8% of emissions, while road traffic accounts for almost 21% and air traffic for almost 6% (Statistics Office Berlin-Brandburg 2019: 34). As the 2016 microcensus results show, only around 4% of those in employment in Berlin have their home and place of work on the same property. Around 20% have a commute of less than five kilometers to work, 25% have to cope with more than five kilometers, but less than ten. Every third person has to cover 10 km to less than 25 km. 7% of employed people cover 25 km to less than 50 km to their place of work and around 1% even more than 50 km. For 9%, the way to work changes depending on the work order. In total, 42% of the workforce use public transport, 36% rail vehicles and approx. 6% the bus. 39% come to work by car, of which just 1% are passengers. And only 1% drive a motorcycle or moped. 13% reach their place of work by bike, 6% on foot (Feilbach 2018: 33). In Berlin, journeys to work of less than five km are mostly done with muscle power, 32% prefer bicycles, 27% of those in employment walk. Public transport and motorized private transport each make up 21%. For longer journeys, half opt for public transport. For distances of five to less than 10 km, the public transport share is approx. 48%; for distances of 10 km to less than 50 km, 52% opt for public transport. For long distances of at least 50 km, this applies to around 47% (ibid .: 33f.). Around 32% of women in employment choose their private car for their way to work, men around 45%. When it comes to using public transport, women with 48% are clearly ahead of men with 37%. The bike is with

21 20 Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie equally popular with women and men. Approx. 7% of women and 5% of men walk (ibid .: 34). With increasing age and income, both women and men are turning to private cars and away from public transport. The bicycle is most popular among women and men in employment between the ages of 30 and 40. The use of motor vehicles is falling among men under 40 and men over 60. For women, motorized individual transport is becoming more attractive in the age groups over 40 years of age. There has been an increase in bicycle use for both sexes. In almost two thirds of the couples there is at least one person using the car, in more than a quarter there is even two. In most of the approx. 66% cases, the man uses the car (ibid .: 35, 36). It can be seen that the majority of those in employment in Berlin use public transport or bicycles to get to work or walk. But around 60% of the street space is set up for motorized vehicles (Notz 2017: 14). The growing number of motor vehicles explains why, with the discrepancy between the number of cars and their use, about 20% of the public street space is taken up by parked vehicles. In older, more densely built-up parts of the city, 70 to 80% of the street space is often blocked by cars; In addition, there are parking spaces of 10% to 30% of the building plots (ibid.). The public spaces privatized in this way destroy quality of life (see Table 1). A comment from Munich makes a social problem clear: »I don't want to be petty, but if a ten-square-meter student apartment quickly costs three thousand euros a year, twenty or thirty euros for a parking space of roughly the same size is a joke. Especially since cars, that is occupied, stand around more than drive. «(Quante 2019) This question is exacerbated by the financing of traffic in cities: While in Germany around 70% of local public transport is self-financed, the degree of cost recovery for car traffic is depending according to municipality at 15% to 45%. Every citizen indirectly finances urban car traffic with an average of 150 euros per year (VCD 2020a). In addition, there are other public subsidies and expenditures that privilege car traffic and the socially and ecologically destructive traffic structure associated with it. That is socially and ecologically unfair. It also promotes social irrationality, as Table 2 illustrates. The table shows, on the one hand, an ecologically unjust, socially exclusionary high single fare and, on the other hand, that the socially and ecologically destructive use of a car, despite all the investments, is actually not very useful for a person without a physical disability. Anyone who is urged to use the car due to the specific living conditions should fight to be freed from this pressure and receive solidarity support.

22 Introduction 21 Table 1: Comparison of different land use by cars, buses, trams, light rail vehicles, cyclists and pedestrians in m 2 per person Type of transport At a standstill at 30 km / h at 50 km / h Car with 1.4 people 13 .5 65.2 140 Bicycle 1.2 41 Bus 2.5 8.6 15.9 Tram 2.8 5.5 9.0 Light Rail 2.8 5.4 8.7 Pedestrians * in 0.95 Source: Randelhoff (2014) Table 2: From door to door. Use of various forms of mobility on a short distance (inner-city route in Berlin: Schlesisches Tor Humboldt University, beginning of 2020) Bicycle Public transport Car (1 person) On foot Distance 4.0 5.9 6.5 4.0 Costs 0.36 2.90 (Single ticket) 3.64 0.00 Time 14 minutes 26 minutes 23 minutes 49 minutes CO 2 emissions 0.00 kg 0.42 kg 1.12 kg 0.00 Source: VCD (2020b) And together all ways out of one seek such destructive transport systems and fight to overcome the underlying social causes. It starts with the struggle for non-violent public spaces in which one feels safe and can meet others. And that continues with the advocacy of attractive, because well-functioning, comfortable and clean public transport. The microbiologist and ecologist Garrett Hardin coined the term “tragedy of the commons”: “Freedom in a commons brings ruin to all” (Hardin 1968: 1244). His thesis: The free use of common goods leads to the ruin of everyone. But for which community is this right? How are such communities structured? What would a community look like in which Hardin's thesis does not apply? Nobel laureate Elinor Ostrom dealt with Hardin's thesis and replied that the real problem can be solved in communities if those affected manage the concrete resource here, the street or the urban public space, in a self-organized manner in suitable institutional forms. The Ver-

23 22 Judith Dellheim / Michael Brie long an agreement of those affected, which on the one hand assumes convincing self-commitments and on the other hand includes an effective control of these self-commitments. This principle is often more effective than central government control or market regulation (Ostrom 1990:). In today's car-centered society, however, those affected are socially divided and have different interests with regard to the ownership, use and land consumption of a car. But ways of thinking and acting can be changed and so differences in interests can also be reduced and public spaces can be democratized. It is necessary to fight for changed social majorities and changes in public regulation. Citizens with solidarity and ecology and / or suffering from car traffic, especially the left among them, could and should use their options to prevent car purchases, to promote car abolition and to help convert and dismantle car production. They should exhaust their options to make the city largely child-friendly and attractive for everyone who lives here. But the struggle in the commune is not enough. A major transformation is required to change the production, consumption and social structures associated with auto-centering. For this, the struggle for the public on a large scale, for the social and the state, must be waged against the social relations of domination. Free public transport is not the "main link" in the struggle for a society of free and equals in a healthy biosphere. But a public transport with free tariff can be a sensible orientation, so that it does not go on like this, so that the socio-political balance of power is changed in such a way that social, ecological and global problems are solved democratically, in solidarity, fairly and sustainably. The public transport with free tariff could favor the gathering and the joint action of very different actors who share not all but some of the following intentions: Against armament, war and surveillance, against the destruction of the climate and biodiversity, against factory farming and animal transport, against Monocultures and glyphosate, against the nuclear-fossil energy industry, against lobbyism and revolving doors between "business and politics", against tax evasion and financial manipulation, against patenting on living organisms, against "investment protection" and free trade rights, against the power of banks and corporations ... . for disarmament and relaxation, for the protection of natural living conditions, for the strengthening of local food producers, for the promotion of decentralized producers of renewable energy, for the ban on industrial and financial market lobbyism in parliaments and public administrations and in governments,

24 Introduction 23 for closing the tax loopholes, for a policy that makes the preservation, improvement and democratization of the common goods such as the fight against global problems and above all hunger and the lack of drinking water an absolute priority! In the course of processes, individuals and collectives can positively change their intentions and positions in the sense of problem solving. Similarities beyond the interest in public transport with zero tariff can result in new or renewed alliances. The systemic limits of the capitalist mode of production and bourgeois society, the need for a system change, can be discussed splendidly if you NOW protect public transport in the public space against the offensive of the car companies, advocate for its maintenance, expansion and improvement and therefore for your own Democratization, for lowering its tariffs: For public transport with zero tariff!


26 Judith Dellheim Capital oligarchies and the car society Moving around by car means moving around 1.35 tons in our country (Günther et al. 2019: 228). However, around 70 tons of resources are used to produce a car (WPI 1999: 11). For 120 years, scientists have been discussing global warming and the contribution made by industry. The effects of destroyed natural living conditions can be observed for centuries in different parts of the world, especially in the (former) colonies, the Club of Rome declared in its first report that industrial growth has reached the limits of the natural reproductive capacity of the biosphere. But why are cars being produced and registered on a massive scale, and why are new highways and roads being built? Why do all the late attempts that have been made since 1972 to effectively combat climate-damaging emissions and the loss of biodiversity, to drastically reduce global material and energy sales, in the global industrial regions by a factor of 10, fail? Why is there still no consistent fight against misery and poverty today, why are resources not fundamentally redistributed and used differently in order to produce, consume and live in a socially and ecologically sustainable and globally fair way? The reasons for this will be discussed below. The development of the capitalist mode of production takes place through the actions of actors with their interests, their ownership of the means of production and reproduction, their position in social hierarchies. In their pursuit of profit maximization and success in competition, the capital owners or capitalists appropriate the work results of the wage workers they command without equivalent. At the same time, they contradictingly drive socialization and force the development of capital relationships. More and more people come into relationship and dependence on one another and on capital utilization. The transport turnover, the size and quantity of the means of transport and the transport infrastructure are growing. Above all, however, the exploitation of people and natural resources is increasing. This practice began in Western Europe and was initiated and accelerated by the fact that capital cooperations acted.

27 26 Judith Dellheim The capital oligarchies and the 4 + 2 complex First of all, wealthy merchants, owners or representatives of financial institutions, the state and often the military, beginning in the 15th, but especially in the 17th century, had such early collaborations in the form of (Stock) corporations formed. They were concerned with their (further) enrichment, which is why they wanted to conquer colonies, engage in slavery / slave trade, stealing of resources and trade in goods. They needed the cooperation because nobody could mobilize the money, the skills and the capacities to build the ships for transports, to recruit the ship's crew and the colonial administrators, to organize the armed "poor" of their predatory operations. In addition, large landowners often drove the farmers off the clod in targeted cooperation with the usurers. The communal land enclosed by them was not enough for them for lucrative sheep breeding, for wool and textile production and for trading with them. At the same time, merchants and publishers exploited homeworkers and created, mostly by means of credit, factories in which goods were produced and added value was created. With colonialism, trade and the manufacturing system flourished, especially in England, and transportation and modern credit developed. In these contradicting processes, capitalists and wage workers have emerged. With the rise of the capitalist mode of production, capital exploitation cooperations and stock corporations initially lost their importance. In many cases they have disintegrated again and only existed in exceptional cases, especially for the construction of roads and canals for transport and irrigation systems. Sole capitalists now dominated the expanding domestic market. Their power grew with the development of machinery and the steam engine. But expanding markets required the development of new transport conditions. (Stock) corporations or cooperation between modern capitalists, often in alliances with state civil and military actors, made the construction of the railway possible. The financing continued to be based in particular on loans granted by the state or money capitalists to industrial capitalists.But the importance of the actions and actors in the capital markets and also of the banks in the share transactions increased (at times by leaps and bounds), as did the role of government contracts. Stock corporations and corporations emerged and with them capital exploitation cooperations, especially in the developing and intermingled energy, steel, raw materials, chemical and electrical engineering branches. These societies have shaped economic and social life since the last third of the 19th century (Dellheim 2018: 267ff.).

28 Capital oligarchies and the auto society 27 In modern capital utilization cooperation or in modern (stock) corporation, industrial and money capitalists jointly use their concentrated and centralized capital in order to utilize it, i.e. to exploit wage workers Basis of the work results of the most brutally exploited workers in the colonies. In the process, there is a de facto amalgamation of industrial and banking capital. This creates expanding companies with increasing productivity. The distances that had to be overcome within the framework of the operating processes are growing, not least due to the takeover of inferior competitors. The quantities of parts to be transported in the company and of supplies are increasing, as is the masses of goods that have to reach the growing, more or less distant markets. The cities and the distances that workers have to cope with between their place of residence or shelter and their place of work are growing. The ways in operational, economic, social and individual everyday life are getting longer. This also increases the socially very different needs and the socially very different solvent demand for transport services. While transport was historically a matter for the trader, it later became a matter for the producer, then for the company's own business, in many cases for the state, and it was always a military matter as well. Either way, the question always has to be asked who, why, and under what conditions should or wants and can meet whose needs for mobility or transport services? This question is in turn linked to two more: Who has which means of transport and why, and why, when, how, under what conditions for whom? What are the individual, social, ecological and global effects of this? The transport system and its concrete organization are related to the social division of labor in its interrelationships with property and power relations and with nature. Therefore the further question to be asked is: who determines why what is produced under which conditions for whom? Who decides why what is implemented under what conditions? Transport as a complex creation and maintenance of means of transport and transport routes as well as the provision of transport services is at the same time the result and an active part of the social division of labor. The manufacture of means of production and transport has been and is socialized in the face of technical progress, which is ultimately always socially and ecologically destructive. The credit system, the production and transmission of energy, basic materials / metal products, chemical products, electrical engineering / high technology products, agriculture and forestry, etc. are becoming more and more involved in the production of means of transport and the development of transport.

29 28 Judith Dellheim To simplify the complicated relationships only hinted at here, we can say: Without (1) energy production, transmission and use, without (2) transport in its complexity, without (3) agriculture and forestry as well as food supply and (4) Without the organization of "security" in the expanding capital utilization, without (5) the technique / technology and especially without (6) the financing that makes this possible, there will be no dynamic capitalist economic life. How these six areas interact and what individual, social, ecological and global effects this has depends on the capital actors, the production processes and results and the social balance of power. The most powerful of these capital actors are competing members of capital appreciation cooperations who maintain special-purpose alliances or competing and cooperating capital appreciation cooperations. Overall, those capital actors and above all capital cooperations who organize and realize the six basic conditions for dynamic economic life are responsible for the greatest consumption of resources, for the greatest pollution of the air, water and soil. And they are the most profitable. Of the main actors in the six complex areas, four are the most resource- and pollution-intensive in society: (1) energy producers and suppliers, (2) transport officials, (3) capital actors in agriculture, forestry and the food business, and (4) the in the "defense and security" complex. They are intertwined, firstly, with the most powerful in the financial sphere and, secondly, with the capital players in the research and development of high technologies, which in turn are often interwoven with the "defense and security" complex. These 4 + 2 shape all social production and consumption structures. The individual capitalists and the capital utilization cooperations in the entire social production or in the economically operated areas of society have to come to terms with the 4 + 2 capital utilization cooperations. The partnership of this cooperation with "the state" is closest, because it is about the basic functions of social reproduction. This does not exclude the fact that the concrete capital realization cooperations inside and outside of 4 + 2 create their own energy, transport, technology and finance areas. And that doesn't rule out contradictions and conflicts of interest. It is crucial that these capital utilization cooperations with the production and consumption structures also shape the social structures. They determine the social mode of production and life and dictate development to society. They are capital oligarchies. They represent the contradicting cooperation of the most powerful owners of industrial and monetary capital. To

30 Capital oligarchies and the auto society 29 to them belong the most powerful functionaries of the financing / organization / realization of the production of surplus value and the redistribution of income, assets, property and their state and political partners. This includes actors from the military and "security", law, accounting and advice, culture and science, the media and lobbying, even civil society. This cooperation is supported by equity investments and participation in the executive and supervisory boards. The capital oligarchies are accepted or accepted by the majority of the populations in the global industrial regions. This explains why the minority of the world's population living here consumes the majority of global resources; why it produces pollution of the air, water and soil, which above all makes the global poor suffer existentially, displaces them en masse and threatens the world population as a whole. To illustrate: The energy-related activities cause around 63% of global climate-damaging emissions worldwide, including 77% of all carbon dioxide emissions. Around 28% of climate-damaging emissions and 36% of carbon dioxide emissions come from electricity and heating. The transport industry accounts for over a quarter. In terms of energy, around 95% of it depends on crude oil, which in turn leads to more than 90% of transport emissions. Energy-related emissions account for around 85% of greenhouse gas emissions in Germany. The main cause is the energy industry with approx. 40%. This is followed by the sectors of transport, industry, private households and the commercial, trade and service sectors (Federal Environment Agency 2020). In Germany, agriculture is responsible for more than 12% of greenhouse gas emissions. The largest sources include livestock husbandry (methane emissions from animal stomachs and manure, nitrogen fertilization) and the agricultural use of former peatland (peat is an important carbon store). Agriculture contributes around a third of greenhouse gas emissions to global warming. German agricultural producers import animal feed, German food producers and traders import meat and fruits from monocultures. All of this uses up scarce water resources, destroys biodiversity, depletes the soil, destroys the livelihoods of local food producers, pollutes the air, water and ecosystems (Greenpeace 2020). The military also eats, poisons and destroys enormous resources. The US war in Iraq alone cost more than would have to be invested in renewable energies worldwide by 2030 to stop global warming. Between 2003 and 2007, more climate-damaging emissions were released in it than 139 states together produce in a whole year (Hynes 2014). Commenting on the military operations in Afghanistan, Iraq and the Middle East, Hynes writes: “Average of 10 tons of waste

31 30 Judith Dellheim pounds per day per soldier burned in it every day, all day and all night, including chemical and medical waste, oil, plastic, pesticides and corpses. The ash, laden with hundreds of toxins and carcinogens, darkened the air and coated clothes, beds, desks and dining rooms, according to a study by the Government Accounting Office. «(Hynes 2018) Even the production and transport of the terrible waste is a social one ecological crime. Germany is involved. Today's mode of production and way of life in the centers of world society is inextricably linked with the predominance of the capital oligarchies, which control material and energy processes. The result is an intolerable burden on the planet. The ecological footprint of the average citizen of a state counts all resources that are consumed in everyday life and shows how much space is required to make this energy and raw materials available. The land consumption is then extrapolated for all people and compared with the real space available on earth. According to this, the average German citizen consumes around three times as much as he / she is allowed to use. 35% of this is due to nutrition, 25% to housing, 22% to mobility and 18% to consumption (Bread for the World 2019). However, such averages say nothing about the social contrasts. There are many people who suffer from income, energy and mobility poverty. In many cases they do not know "how to make ends meet". Researchers from the University of Leeds analyzed every category of consumer goods and services for 374 population segments in 86 countries in order to find out and compare the relationship between income levels and energy consumption worldwide. They have shown: n Due to the specific nature of energy and the lifestyles of the wealthy, the differences in energy consumption are even greater than the differences in income. n Energy-intensive luxury goods, vehicles, fuel, flights and vacations are reserved for the global rich. n The top 10% of the global income spectrum uses 20 times as much final energy as the bottom 10%. The figures for the transport sector are particularly striking: Here the top 10% consume 187 times as much fuel and power as the bottom 10%. n In road and motorway traffic, the lower 50% account for slightly more than 10% of the energy consumed. In the case of air transport, they account for less than 1%. About 80% of the world's population has never flown (Roberts 2020). That speaks not only for strongly progressively increasing tax

32 Capital oligarchies and the auto society 31 substitute for high incomes and assets and, from a limit that safeguards basic needs, for a strongly progressive increase in taxation on the consumption of fuel and energy, but also for the strict cap on income, assets, and nuclear-fossil fuel Fuel and energy consumption. But why the car now? In order to be able to answer this question in more detail, we must firstly return to the 4 + 2 capital oligarchies and secondly turn to the peculiarity of the means of transport in social development. This is only possible very briefly and sketchily in the context of this book, but reading Rosa Luxemburg's work "The Accumulation of Capital" helps in several ways. Luxemburg explained the connection between the accumulation of capital by capital oligarchies and the so-called original accumulation of capital and the development of the capitalist mode of production. In doing so, she showed the special role of transport. In addition, she has analyzed relationships between culture, modes of production and social hierarchies in modern societies. So she wrote: “The conquest of the commodity economy usually begins with great cultural works of modern transport, such as railroad lines that cut through primeval forests and pierce through mountains, telegraph wires that span deserts, ocean liners that run into unfamiliar ports. But the peacefulness of these upheavals is mere appearance. The trade relations of the East Indian companies with the spice countries were as good as robbery, blackmail and gross swindle under the flag of trade as the relations of the American capitalists to the Indians in Canada, from whom they buy furs, or of the German traders to the Africans today. The classic example of the gentle and peace-loving trade in goods with backward societies is the modern history of China, through which the wars of the Europeans run like a red thread peaceful arable people with the most modern capitalist war technology of the united European great powers, heavy war contributions with the whole system of public debt, European loans, European control of the finances and European occupation of the fortresses in the wake, forced opening of free ports and extorted concessions to European railways Capitalists these were the midwives of the commodity trade in China from the early 1940s

33 32 Judith Dellheim last century until the outbreak of the Chinese revolution. "(Luxemburg 1913: 334f.) Rosa Luxemburg went into detail on developments in the USA:" To encourage railway construction and the settlement of the country with farmers, the railway companies received great donations made of national lands. «(ibid .: 335) If one reads this under the view of the 4 + 2 capital oligarchies, then a connection becomes clear. The development of the railway system in cooperation between corporations and the state promoted the mass immigration of people from Europe. »In connection with this, the Union gradually emancipated itself from European, mainly English, industry and created its own factories, its own textile, iron, Steel and machine industry. Agriculture was revolutionized the fastest. In the first few years after the civil war, the plantation owners in the southern states were forced to introduce the steam plow due to the emancipation of the negroes. In particular, however, the farms that were newly emerging in the west following the construction of the railway were put on the most modern machine technology from the start. «(Ibid .: 335f.) Energy range. Then came the capitalist agribusiness. American farming families took the railroads to the west and northwest of the United States. They believed the land speculators: “But the most fertile, best situated lands were used by societies for large, purely capitalistically operated economies. In addition to the farmer dragged into the wilderness, the Bonanzafarm, the big capitalist farm that was previously unknown in the Old and New World, emerged as his dangerous competitor and mortal enemy. Here the production of surplus value was operated with all the aids of modern science and technology. «(Ibid .: 350) Four groups of the capital oligarchies were already involved. At the same time the beginnings of a new "American" way of life and culture emerged. The US development finds a coarser repetition in Canada, where to an even greater extent the state squandered "public lands to private capitalist companies" (ibid .: 356). The Canadian Pacific Railway Company was "secured the monopoly on railroad construction for 20 years, the entire line of approximately 713 English miles to be built on, valued at around $ 35 million, was made available free of charge, and the state had a 10-year interest rate guarantee of 3% on that Acquired share capital of 100 million dollars and granted a cash loan of 27½ million dollars. «(Ibid .: 356f.). So it came too

34 capital oligarchies and the auto company 33 add the most powerful major financiers. The borrowing system has promoted railroad construction around the world. Since the end of the 19thCentury in Asia and Africa "almost exclusively for the purposes of imperialist politics, economic monopoly and the political subjugation of the hinterland" (ibid .: 367). In doing so, Rosa Luxemburg also referred to the military component of this process, which becomes even clearer when one reads her description of the development in southern Africa: »The Matabele and Maschona got together for a desperate struggle, but society, with Rhodes at the Great, first drowned out the uprising in order to then use the tried and tested means of civilizing and pacifying the natives: two great railroads were built in the rebellious area.The British-South African Society built railroads, threw down Kaffirs, organized uprisings by the Uitlanders, finally provoked the Boer War. The hour of farming had struck. In the United States, the war was the starting point of the upheaval, in South Africa it was its conclusion. The result was the same: the victory of capital over the small peasant economy, which for its part had arisen on the ruins of the primitive natural economic organization of the natives. «(Ibid .: 362f.) Overall, it can be seen that all six areas of the 4 + 2 capital oligarchies played a role in these processes of subjugation of the world to the imperatives of capital appreciation, as Rosa Luxemburg demonstrated, and worked closely together. The same pattern came into effect when German capital, particularly in the form of Deutsche Bank, entered the great Anatolian and Baghdad railway company in 1888. German capital builds railways, ports, and irrigation systems in Asiatic Turkey. In all these endeavors, it squeezes new added value out of the Asians it uses as labor. However, this added value must be realized together with the means of production from Germany (railway material, machines, etc.) used in production. Who will help realize it? Partly the movement of goods caused by the railways, port facilities, etc., which is brought up in the midst of the natural economic conditions of Asia Minor. In some cases, if the movement of goods does not grow quickly enough to meet the needs of capital to realize, the population's income in kind is forcibly converted into commodities by means of the state machinery, converted into money and used to realize capital including surplus value. "(Ibid .: 388) The loan, that the German capital oligarchies gave to the Turkish state turned out to be its own economic development. Since, furthermore, means of production manufactured in Germany are used in the construction of the railways, the Asian peasant grain converted into money also serves to gild the surplus value squeezed out of German workers in the manufacture of those means of production .

35 34 Judith Dellheim In this role, the money goes from the hand of the Turkish state to the coffers of Deutsche Bank, to be found in the pockets of Mr. Gwinner, Siemens, their co-administrators, shareholders and customers of the Deutsche Bank as well as the entire creeping system of its subsidiaries to be accumulated as capitalist surplus value. «(Ibid .: 390f.) Luxembourg's statements have shown, among other things, the railroad as a concrete project, which on the one hand corresponds to the interests of the capital oligarchies and the entire capitalist class and an extensive social interest agreement with their everyday cultural effects. The "everyday cultural effects" in Germany and Western Europe were about luxury and status for the wealthy; cocoa and chocolate as a luxury for the wage workers and their families, whose incomes came from their own exploitation and the much more brutal of the colonized (both primary exploitation). At the same time, a racist social consensus was promoted, a culture of the stock market that increases ties to capital and promotes income redistribution in the area of ​​circulation (secondary exploitation). The contradicting agreement of interests of the capitalist class thanks to the railroad project is based firstly on the direct transport services of the railroad, secondly on the orders directly and indirectly connected with it for them, thirdly on the technological advances carried by the railroad, fourthly on improved financing conditions for new primary and secondary exploitation, fifthly for advantages in competition for higher profits. These advantages benefit the capital oligarchies most because they are their organizers. They have the most powerful capital and the best conditions for increasing profits. They can develop their relationships with the elites most important to them and their power in society in the most sustainable way. However, the railroad has disadvantages: it cannot respond precisely and flexibly to capital, "defense and security needs" or respond to customer requests and your own mobility needs. For this, motorized alternatives are needed for the terrain and routes that are not tied to rails. Cars did not yet play a role in the developments and interrelationships on which Luxemburg focused in 1912/13. If one wishes to continue Luxemburg's analyzes in the present, however, motorized transport is of great importance. The first steam-powered "auto" was built in 1769 by the French artillery officer and inventor Nicolas Joseph Cugnot on behalf of the War Ministry. The goal was to transport heavy cannons (Kellert 2018), 825 trucks drove on Germany's roads, in 1914 trucks were already rolling, primarily in Germany.